Bibun tavoitteena on tutkia talouden rakennemuutoksen vaikutuksia kansalaisten poliittiseen osallistumiseen sekä tunnistaa osallistumisen kuiluissa ja kuplissa olevia ryhmiä ja herättää näistä teemoista julkista keskustelua. BIBU pyrkii myös vahvistamaan suomalaista hyvinvointimallia vastaamaan kansalaisten tarpeita ja toiveita. Käytännön ratkaisuja BIBU tuottaa demokratiakiihdyttämössä, jossa kehitetään ja testataan ratkaisuja osallisuuden edistämiseksi. Lue BIBUn vaikuttavuuskertomuksesta, miten olemme tähän mennessä edistäneet näitä tavoitteita.

Tarkastelemme, mitä poliittisella luottamuksella tarkoitetaan, mitkä tekijät selittävät sen tasoa ja mikä on poliittisen luottamuksen suhde kriittiseen kansalaisuuteen. Pohdimme, miten poliittinen luottamus eroaa rinnakkaiskäsitteistään, kuten responsiivisuudesta ja tyytyväisyydestä demokratiaa kohtaan.

Balancing between online-offline stages of participatory procedures is a delicate art that may support or hinder the success of participatory democracy. Participatory budgeting (PB), in particular, is generally rooted in online platforms, but as our case study on the City of Helsinki PB trial suggests, face-to-face events are necessary to engage targeted and often less resourceful actors in the process.

This article focuses on the role of means-tested social assistance in Finland, which is often considered one of the Nordic
welfare states described as having a universal welfare model. The article scrutinises the capacity of the final safety net to
enhance the social citizenship of social assistance recipients. The Finnish social security system combines social insurance
(earnings-related benefits), universal benefits (flat-rate benefits), free or affordable public services, and social assistance as a means-tested and targeted element, and thus it is a discussion on the degree of universalism that best captures the nature of universalism in the Finnish welfare state.

The success of the Nordic welfare state is well known, but the key drivers of its remarkable expansion are not. This book explores the relationships between citizens that constitute the normative groundwork of Nordic societies, arguing that the quality of relations steers welfare development.

Tapa, jolla kirkolliskokouksen edustajat valitaan, on niin epäselvä, että edes vaalien jälkeen ei voi olla varma tulevan kauden linjasta. Vaikeaselkoisuus heijastuu päätöksentekoon.

Tutkimuksessa tarkastellaan ulkomaalaistaustaisten äänioikeutettujen osallistumista vuosien 2012 ja 2017 kuntavaaleihin. Analyysit pohjautuvat Tilastokeskuksen tuottamaan yksilötasoiseen rekisteriaineistoon, jonka äänestystiedot ovat peräisin oikeusministeriön ylläpitämästä sähköisestä äänioikeusrekisteristä. Tutkimuksemme keskeinen lähtökohta on, että kotoutuminen muodostaa yhden dynaamisen kokonaisuuden, jonka eri osat joko tukevat tai heikentävät toisiaan. Tällaisten dynaamisten vaikutusten
analysointi on hankalaa johtuen eri tekijöiden keskinäisistä riippuvuuksista. Tämän vuoksi olemme pitäytyneet mahdollisimman
pelkistetyissä malleissa.

Like any reciprocal relationship, representation is filled with expectations. Different types of voters have different types of ideas on how elected politicians should behave in their role as representatives, and what should be considered as the primary focus of representation. Candidates running for elections or MPs already familiar with real-life decision-making situations might have corresponding yet not necessarily matching preferences. The extent to which these expectations overlap is, in turn, pivotal for the process legitimacy of representative democracies.

A growing body of literature has investigated the various ways in which residents of stigmatized neighborhoods respond to and cope with stigmatization. However, these approaches have fallen short in tackling the question of how particular places shape responses to stigmatization. In this article, I take seriously the question of context and, based on a comparative ethnography of two social housing neighborhoods in Finland, show how residents in similar social structural positions differed in terms of the cultural milieus they inhabited, presenting them with different cultural resources for dealing with stigmatization.

Kontula, a suburban estate at the margins of Helsinki, Finland, has been plagued by a notorious reputation since its construction in the 1960s. At different moments in history, it has reflected failed urbanity, with shifting emphases on issues such as rootlessness, segregation, intergenerational poverty, and unsuccessful integration of immigrants. Unlike many other suburban estates in Helsinki, it has become a potent symbol of the ills of contemporary urbanity in the vernacular geography of the city. Based on ethnographic fieldwork, this article explores how its inhabitants experience the dynamic between the internalised stigma and their responses to it. The focus is on how historically formed and spatially defined senses of belonging and exclusion shape their everyday lives and how they have found ways to challenge the dominant perceptions about their homes and neighbourhoods.

Jenni Rinteen väitöstutkimus ”Deliberative representation in parliament” pureutuu punnitsevan ja harkitsevan puheen ja poliittisen edustamisen kysymyksiin. Tutkimuksen tarkoituksena on tarkastella parlamenttia edustamisen ja deliberaation eli harkitsevan ja punnitsevan puheen paikkana. Tutkimuksen kysymyksenasettelu on lähtökohdiltaan teoreettinen. Se sijoittuu politiikan teorian, erityisesti deliberatiivisen demokratiateorian ja poliittista edustamista käsittelevien keskusteluiden läpileikkauskohtaan. Johtuen siitä, että edustamisen ja deliberaation välinen suhde on jokseenkin aliteoretisoitu, on myös tästä näkökulmasta tehtyjen, edustajien toiminnalliseen työympäristöön sijoittuvien empiiristen tutkimusten määrä vähäinen. Täten tutkimuksella on myös toinen tavoite: tuoda parlamentti ja siellä tapahtuva edustustoiminta empiirisen tutkimuksen kohteeksi.

While the Nordic countries have a tradition of integrating privileged interest groups into policy making, a number of studies have argued that this Nordic ‘routine corporatism’ has changed over the last decades. Studies of Denmark, Norway and Sweden demonstrate that interest groups are less frequently involved in committees preparing policy, that lobbying of parliament has become more important and that the position of citizen groups has strengthened.

While crowds online are increasingly used for data gathering and problem solving, the relationships and structures within these processes remain largely unexamined. For understanding the usage of crowdsourcing and to design appropriate technologies and processes, it is important to understand how different tools support relationships in these contexts.

In this paper, published in Proceedings of ACM Human-Computer Interaction (CSCW ’18), we examine the changes in motivation factors in crowdsourced policymaking. By drawing on longitudinal data from a crowdsourced law reform, we show that people participated because they wanted to improve the law, learn, and solve problems.

While crowdsourcing is an increasingly common method of open-government practices to strengthen participatory democracy, its impact on governance is unclear. Using data from a crowdsourced city-plan update by the City of Palo Alto, California, this article examines the impact of a crowd’s input on policy changes.

This paper examines the normative role of constructive journalism—also called “solutions journalism”—by analyzing metajournalistic discourse about solutions-focused journalism. The findings show that constructive and solutions journalism are defined similarly: they profess traditional Anglo-Saxon journalistic norms and practices, even as they shift focus from problems to solutions.

This paper examines the sense of presence, attitude change, perspective-taking, and usability of a split-sphere, first-person perspective 360 degree video about gender inequality, in which people can choose to watch the narrative from the male or female character’s perspective. Sixty-seven participants were randomly assigned to watch (1) the video in 360 degree split-view in a head-mounted display, (2) the same film as 180 degree in a HMD, or (3) a flat control version of the video on a laptop.

In this article, which is based on an analysis of 101 political scandals in Denmark, Finland, Norway, and Sweden from 2010 to 2016—and a study of political scandals in the wake of the #MeToo movement in 2017–2018—we show that mediated scandals have become a standard feature of political life in Nordic countries.

In this article, which is based on an analysis of 101 political scandals in Denmark, Finland, Norway, and Sweden from 2010 to 2016—and a study of political scandals in the wake of the #MeToo movement in 2017–2018—we show that mediated scandals have become a standard feature of political life in Nordic countries.

Policy brief, jonka tarkastelun kohteena on intressiryhmien edustamat intressit aktiivimallina tunnettua hallituksen esitystä 124/2017 vp koskien.

In this note, I study the Finnish regional dispersion of economic indicators such as the GDP per capita, labour productivity, the employment rate and the compensation of employees.

This article examines the moral boundary work of wealthy Finnish entrepreneurs belonging to the country’s top 0.1 per cent of earners.